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Hebrews
Commentary by Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset, and David Brown
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Introduction to Hebrews
Commentary chapters
Bible book
Commentary by Robert Jamieson, A. R. Fausset, and David Brown
Save this book and all its available chapters on this device.Book introduction
Commentary chapters
THE EPISTLE OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE
[1] [2]
[3] [4]
[5] [6]
[7] [8]
[13]
INTRODUCTION
CANONICITY AND AUTHORSHIP.--CLEMENT
OF ROME, at the end of the first century
(A.D), copiously uses it, adopting its words just as he does those of
the other books of the New Testament; not indeed giving to either the
term "Scripture," which he reserves for the Old Testament (the canon of
the New Testament not yet having been formally established), but
certainly not ranking it below the other New Testament acknowledged
Epistles. As our Epistle claims authority on the part of the
writer, CLEMENT'S adoption of extracts from it is
virtually sanctioning its authority, and this in the apostolic age.
JUSTIN MARTYR quotes it as
divinely authoritative, to establish the titles "apostle," as well as
"angel," as applied to the Son of God. CLEMENT OF
ALEXANDRIA refers it expressly to Paul, on the
authority of Pantænus, chief of the Catechetical school in
Alexandria, in the middle of the second century, saying, that as Jesus
is termed in it the "apostle" sent to the Hebrews, Paul, through
humility, does not in it call himself apostle of the Hebrews, being
apostle to the Gentiles. CLEMENT also says that
Paul, as the Hebrews were prejudiced against him, prudently omitted to
put forward his name in the beginning; also, that it was originally
written in Hebrew for the Hebrews, and that Luke translated it
into Greek for the Greeks, whence the style is similar to that
of Acts. He, however, quotes frequently the words of the existing
Greek Epistle as Paul's words. ORIGEN
similarly quotes it as Paul's Epistle. However, in his Homilies, he
regards the style as distinct from that of Paul, and as "more Grecian,"
but the thoughts as the apostle's; adding that the "ancients who have
handed down the tradition of its Pauline authorship, must have had good
reason for doing so, though God alone knows the certainty who was the
actual writer" (that is, probably "transcriber" of the apostle's
thoughts). In the African Church, in the beginning of the third
century, TERTULLIAN ascribes it to Barnabas.
IRENÆUS, bishop of Lyons, is mentioned in
EUSEBIUS, as quoting from this Epistle, though
without expressly referring it to Paul. About the same period, Caius,
the presbyter, in the Church of Rome, mentions only thirteen
Epistles of Paul, whereas, if the Epistle to the Hebrews were included,
there would be fourteen. So the canon fragment of the end of the
second century, or beginning of the third, published by MURATORI, apparently omits mentioning it. And so the
Latin Church did not recognize it as Paul's till a considerable time
after the beginning of the third century. Thus, also,
NOVATIAN OF
ROME,
CYPRIAN OF
CARTHAGE, and
VICTORINUS, also of the
Latin Church. But in the fourth century, HILARY OF
POITIERS
(A.D. 368),
LUCIFER OF
CAGLIARI
(A.D. 371),
AMBROSE OF
MILAN (A.D. 397) and other Latins, quote it as
Paul's; and the fifth Council of Carthage (A.D.
419) formally reckons it among his fourteen Epistles.
As to the similarity of its style to that of Luke's
writings, this is due to his having been so long the companion of Paul.
CHRYSOSTOM, comparing Luke and Mark, says, "Each
imitated his teacher: Luke imitated Paul flowing along with more than
river fulness; but Mark imitated Peter, who studied brevity of style."
Besides, there is a greater predominance of Jewish feeling and
familiarity with the peculiarities of the Jewish schools apparent in
this Epistle than in Luke's writings. There is no clear evidence
for attributing the authorship to him, or to Apollos, whom ALFORD upholds as the author. The grounds alleged for
the latter view are its supposed Alexandrian phraseology and modes of
thought. But these are such as any Palestinian Jew might have used; and
Paul, from his Hebræo-Hellenistic education at Jerusalem and
Tarsus, would be familiar with PHILO'S modes of
thought, which are not, as some think, necessarily all derived from his
Alexandrian, but also from his Jewish, education. It would be unlikely
that the Alexandrian Church should have so undoubtingly asserted the
Pauline authorship, if Apollos, their own countryman, had really
been the author. The eloquence of its style and rhetoric, a
characteristic of Apollos' at Corinth, whereas Paul there spoke in
words unadorned by man's wisdom, are doubtless designedly adapted to
the minds of those whom Paul in this Epistle addresses. To the Greek
Corinthians, who were in danger of idolizing human eloquence and
wisdom, he writes in an unadorned style, in order to fix their
attention more wholly on the Gospel itself. But the Hebrews were in no
such danger. And his Hebræo-Grecian education would enable him to
write in a style attractive to the Hebrews at Alexandria, where Greek
philosophy had been blended with Judaism. The Septuagint
translation framed at Alexandria had formed a connecting link between
the latter and the former; and it is remarkable that all the quotations
from the Old Testament, excepting two
(Heb 10:30; 13:5),
are taken from the Septuagint. The fact that the peculiarities
of the Septuagint are interwoven into the argument proves that the
Greek Epistle is an original, not a translation; had the
original been Hebrew, the quotations would have been from the
Hebrew Old Testament. The same conclusion follows from the plays
on similarly sounding words in the Greek, and alliterations, and
rhythmically constructed periods. CALVIN
observes, If the Epistle had been written in Hebrew,
Heb 9:15-17
would lose all its point, which consists in the play upon the double
meaning of the Greek "diathece," a "covenant," or a
"testament," whereas the Hebrew "berith" means only
"covenant."
Internal evidence favors the Pauline authorship. Thus the topic so
fully handled in this Epistle, that Christianity is superior to
Judaism, inasmuch as the reality exceeds the type which gives place to
it, is a favorite one with Paul (compare
2Co 3:6-18;
Ga 3:23-25; 4:1-9, 21-31,
wherein the allegorical mode of interpretation appears in its divinely
sanctioned application--a mode pushed to an unwarrantable excess in the
Alexandrian school). So the Divine Son appears in
Heb 1:3,
&c., as in other Epistles of Paul
(Php 2:6;
Col 1:15-20),
as the Image, or manifestation of the Deity. His lowering
of Himself for man's sake similarly, compare
Heb 2:9,
with 2Co 8:9;
Php 2:7, 8.
Also His final exaltation, compare
Heb 2:8; 10:13; 12:2,
with 1Co 15:25, 27.
The word "Mediator" is peculiar to Paul alone, compare
Heb 8:6,
with Ga 3:19, 20.
Christ's death is represented as the sacrifice for sin prefigured by
the Jewish sacrifices, compare
Ro 3:22-26;
1Co 5:7,
with Heb 7:1-10:39.
The phrase, "God of Peace," is peculiar to Paul, compare
Heb 13:20;
Ro 15:33;
1Th 5:23.
Also, compare
Heb 2:4,
Margin,
1Co 12:4.
Justification, or "righteousness by faith." appears in
Heb 11:7; 10:38,
as in
Ro 1:17; 4:22; 5:1;
Ga 3:11;
Php 3:9.
The word of God is the "sword of the Spirit," compare
Heb 4:12,
with Eph 6:17.
Inexperienced Christians are children needing milk, that
is, instruction in the elements, whereas riper Christians, as
full-grown men, require strong meat, compare
Heb 5:12, 13; 6:1,
with 1Co 3:1, 2; 14:20
Ga 4:9;
Col 3:14.
Salvation is represented as a boldness of access to God by
Christ, compare
Heb 10:19,
with Ro 5:2;
Eph 2:18; 3:12.
Afflictions are a fight,
Heb 10:32;
compare
Php 1:30;
Col 2:1.
The Christian life is a race,
Heb 12:1;
compare
1Co 9:24;
Php 3:12-14.
The Jewish ritual is a service,
Ro 9:4;
compare
Heb 9:1, 6.
Compare "subject to bondage,"
Heb 2:15,
with Ga 5:1.
Other characteristics of Paul's style appear in this Epistle; namely, a
propensity "to go off at a word" and enter on a long parenthesis
suggested by that word, a fondness for play upon words of similar
sound, and a disposition to repeat some favorite word. Frequent appeals
to the Old Testament, and quotations linked by "and again," compare
Heb 1:5; 2:12, 13,
with Ro 15:9-12.
Also quotations in a peculiar application, compare
Heb 2:8,
with 1Co 15:27;
Eph 1:22.
Also the same passage quoted in a form not agreeing with the
Septuagint, and with the addition "saith the Lord," not found in
the Hebrew, in
Heb 10:30;
Ro 12:19.
The supposed Alexandrian (which are rather Philon-like) characteristics
of the Epistle are probably due to the fact that the Hebrews were
generally then imbued with the Alexandrian modes of thought of
Philo, &c., and Paul, without coloring or altering Gospel truth "to the
Jews, became (in style) as a Jew, that he might win the Jews"
(1Co 9:20).
This will account for its being recognized as Paul's Epistle in the
Alexandrian and Jerusalem churches unanimously, to the Hebrews of whom
probably it was addressed. Not one Greek father ascribes the Epistle to
any but Paul, whereas in the Western and Latin churches, which it did
not reach for some time, it was for long doubted, owing to its
anonymous form, and generally less distinctively Pauline style. Their
reason for not accepting it as Paul's, or indeed as canonical, for the
first three centuries, was negative, insufficient evidence for
it, not positive evidence against it. The positive evidence is
generally for its Pauline origin. In the Latin churches, owing to their
distance from the churches to whom belonged the Hebrews addressed,
there was no generally received tradition on the subject. The Epistle
was in fact but little known at all, whence we find it is not mentioned
at all in the Canon of Muratori. When at last, in the fourth
century, the Latins found that it was received as Pauline and canonical
on good grounds in the Greek churches, they universally acknowledged it
as such.
The personal notices all favor its Pauline authorship, namely, his
intention to visit those addressed, shortly, along with Timothy, styled
"our brother,"
Heb 13:23;
his being then in prison,
Heb 13:19;
his formerly having been imprisoned in Palestine, according to
English Version reading,
Heb 10:34;
the salutations transmitted to them from believers of Italy,
Heb 13:24.
A reason for not prefixing the name may be the rhetorical character of
the Epistle which led the author to waive the usual form of epistolary
address.
DESIGN.--His aim is to show the superiority of
Christianity over Judaism, in that it was introduced by one far higher
than the angels or Moses, through whom the Jews received the law, and
in that its priesthood and sacrifices are far less perfecting as to
salvation than those of Christ; that He is the substance of which the
former are but the shadow, and that the type necessarily gives place to
the antitype; and that now we no longer are kept at a comparative
distance as under the law, but have freedom of access through the
opened veil, that is, Christ's flesh; hence he warns them of the danger
of apostasy, to which Jewish converts were tempted, when they saw
Christians persecuted, while Judaism was tolerated by the Roman
authorities. He infers the obligations to a life of faith, of which,
even in the less perfect Old Testament dispensation, the Jewish history
contained bright examples. He concludes in the usual Pauline mode,
with practical exhortations and pious prayers for them.
HIS MODE OF ADDRESS is in it hortatory rather than
commanding, just as we might have expected from Paul addressing the
Jews. He does not write to the rulers of the Jewish Christians,
for in fact there was no exclusively Jewish Church; and his Epistle,
though primarily addressed to the Palestinian Jews, was intended to
include the Hebrews of all adjoining churches. He inculcates obedience
and respect in relation to their rulers
(Heb 13:7, 17, 24);
a tacit obviating of the objection that he was by writing this Epistle
interfering with the prerogative of Peter the apostle of the
circumcision, and James the bishop of Jerusalem. Hence arises his
gentle and delicate mode of dealing with them
(Heb 13:22).
So far from being surprised at discrepancy of style between an Epistle
to Hebrews and Epistles to Gentile Christians, it is just what we
should expect. The Holy Spirit guided him to choose means best suited
to the nature of the ends aimed at. WORDSWORTH
notices a peculiar Pauline Greek construction,
Ro 12:9,
literally, "Let your love be without dissimulation, ye abhorring
. . . evil, cleaving to . . . good," which is found
nowhere else save
Heb 13:5,
literally, "Let your conversation be without covetousness, ye being
content with," &c. (a noun singular feminine nominative absolute,
suddenly passing into a participle masculine nominative plural
absolute). So in quoting Old Testament Scripture, the writer of the
Epistle to the Hebrews quotes it as a Jew writing to Jews would,
"God spoke to our fathers," not, "it is written." So
Heb 13:18,
"We trust we have a good conscience" is an altogether Pauline sentiment
(Ac 23:1; 24:16;
2Co 1:12; 4:2;
2Ti 1:3).
Though he has not prefixed his name, he has given at the close his
universal token to identify him, namely, his apostolic salutation,
"Grace be with you all"; this "salutation with his own hand" he
declared
(2Th 3:17, 18)
to be "his token in every Epistle": so
1Co 16:21, 23;
Col 4:18.
The same prayer of greeting closes every one of his Epistles,
and is not found in any one of the Epistles of the other apostles
written in Paul's lifetime; but it is found in the last book of the New
Testament Revelation, and subsequently in the Epistle of
CLEMENT OF ROME. This proves
that, by whomsoever the body of the Epistle was committed to writing
(whether a mere amanuensis writing by dictation, or a companion of Paul
1Co 12:10,
transfusing Paul's Spirit-taught sentiments into his own Spirit-guided
diction), Paul at the close sets his seal to the whole as really his,
and sanctioned by him as such. The churches of the East, and Jerusalem,
their center, to which quarter it was first sent, received it as Paul's
from the earliest times according to Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem (A.D. 349). JEROME, though bringing
with him from Rome the prejudices of the Latins against the Epistle to
the Hebrews, aggravated, doubtless, by its seeming sanction of the
Novatian heresy
(Heb 6:4-6),
was constrained by the force of facts to receive it as Paul's, on the
almost unanimous testimony of all Greek Christians from the earliest
times; and was probably the main instrument in correcting the past
error of Rome in rejecting it. The testimony of the Alexandrian Church
is peculiarly valuable, for it was founded by Mark, who was with Paul
at Rome in his first confinement, when this Epistle seems to have been
written
(Col 4:10),
and who possibly was the bearer of this Epistle, at the same time
visiting Colosse on the way to Jerusalem (where Mark's mother lived),
and thence to Alexandria. Moreover,
2Pe 3:15, 16,
written shortly before Peter's death, and like his first Epistle
written by him, "the apostle of the circumcision," to the
"Hebrew" Christians dispersed in the East, says, "As our beloved
brother Paul hath written unto you"
(2Pe 3:15),
that is, to the Hebrews; also the words added, "As also in all
his Epistles"
(2Pe 3:16),
distinguish the Epistle to the Hebrews from the rest; then he
further speaks of it as on a level with "other Scriptures," thus
asserting at once its Pauline authorship and divine inspiration. An
interesting illustration of the power of Christian faith and love;
Peter, who had been openly rebuked by Paul
(Ga 2:7-14),
fully adopted what Paul wrote; there was no difference in the Gospel of
the apostle of the circumcision and that of the apostle of the
uncircumcision. It strikingly shows God's sovereignty that He chose as
the instrument to confirm the Hebrews, Paul, the apostle of
the Gentiles
(Ro 11:13);
and on the other hand, Peter to open the Gospel door to the
Gentiles
(Ac 10:1,
&c.), though being the apostle of the Jews; thus perfect unity
reigns amidst the diversity of agencies.
Rome, in the person of CLEMENT OF
ROME, originally received this
Epistle. Then followed a period in which it ceased to be received by
the Roman churches. Then, in the fourth century, Rome retracted her
error. A plain proof she is not unchangeable or infallible. As far as
Rome is concerned, the Epistle to the Hebrews was not only lost for
three centuries, but never would have been recovered at all but for the
Eastern churches; it is therefore a happy thing for Christendom that
Rome is not the Catholic Church.
It plainly was written before the destruction of Jerusalem, which
would have been mentioned in the Epistle had that event gone before,
compare
Heb 13:10;
and probably to churches in which the Jewish members were the more
numerous, as those in Judea, and perhaps Alexandria. In the latter city
were the greatest number of resident Jews next to Jerusalem. In
Leontopolis, in Egypt, was another temple, with the arrangements of
which, WIESELER thinks the notices in this Epistle
more nearly corresponded than with those in Jerusalem. It was from
Alexandria that the Epistle appears first to have come to the knowledge
of Christendom. Moreover, "the Epistle to the Alexandrians," mentioned
in the Canon of Muratori, may possibly be this Epistle to the
Hebrews. He addresses the Jews as peculiarly "the people of God"
(Heb 2:17; 4:9; 13:12),
"the seed of Abraham," that is, as the primary stock on which Gentile
believers are grafted, to which
Ro 11:16-24
corresponds; but he urges them to come out of the carnal earthly
Jerusalem and to realize their spiritual union to "the heavenly
Jerusalem"
(Heb 12:18-23; 13:13).
The use of Greek rather than Hebrew is doubtless due to
the Epistle being intended, not merely for the Hebrew, but for the
Hellenistic Jew converts, not only in Palestine, but elsewhere; a view
confirmed by the use of the Septuagint. BENGEL thinks, probably (compare
2Pe 3:15, 16,
explained above), the Jews primarily, though not exclusively,
addressed, were those who had left Jerusalem on account of the war and
were settled in Asia Minor.
The notion of its having been originally in Hebrew arose
probably from its Hebrew tone, method, and topics. It is
reckoned among the Epistles, not at first generally
acknowledged, along with James, Second Peter, Second and Third
John, Jude, and Revelation. A beautiful link exists between these
Epistles and the universally acknowledged Epistles. Hebrews
unites the ordinances of Leviticus with their antitypical Gospel
fulfilment. James is the link between the highest doctrines of
Christianity and the universal law of moral duty--a commentary on the
Sermon on the Mount--harmonizing the decalogue law of Moses, and the
revelation to Job and Elias, with the Christian law of liberty. Second
Peter links the teaching of Peter with that of Paul. Jude links the
earliest unwritten to the latest written Revelation. The two shorter
Epistles to John, like Philemon, apply Christianity to the minute
details of the Christian life, showing that Christianity can sanctify
all earthly relations.