Philippians

THE EPISTLE OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE

[1] [2]

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INTRODUCTION

The INTERNAL EVIDENCE for the authenticity of this

Epistle is strong. The style, manner of thought, and doctrine, accord

with Paul's. The incidental allusions also establish his authorship.

PALEY [Horæ Paulinæ, ch. 7]

instances the mention of the object of Epaphroditus' journey to Rome,

the Philippian contribution to Paul's wants, Epaphroditus' sickness

(Php 1:7; 2:25-30; 4:10-18),

the fact that Timothy had been long with Paul at Philippi

(Php 1:1; 2:19),

the reference to his being a prisoner at Rome now for a long time

(Php 1:12-14; 2:17-28),

his willingness to die (compare

Php 1:23,

with 2Co 5:8),

the reference to the Philippians having seen his maltreatment at

Philippi

(Php 1:29, 30; 2:1, 2).

The EXTERNAL EVIDENCE is equally decisive: POLYCARP

[Epistle to the Philippians, 3; 11]; IRENÆUS

[Against Heresies, 4.18.4]; CLEMENT OF

ALEXANDRIA

[The Instructor, 1.1, p. 107]; EUSEBIUS

[The Epistle of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne, in

Ecclesiastical History, 5. 2]; TERTULLIAN

[On the Resurrection of the Flesh, 23]; ORIGEN

[Against Celsus, 1.3, p. 122]; CYPRIAN

[Testimonies against the Jews, 3.39].

Philippi was the first (that is, the farthest from Rome, and first

which met Paul in entering Macedonia) Macedonian city of the district,

called Macedonia Prima (so called as lying farthest eastward).

The Greek

(Ac 16:12)

should not be translated "the chief city," as English

Version, but as above [ALFORD]. Not it, but

Thessalonica, was the chief city of the province, and

Amphipolis, of the district called Macedonia Prima. It was a

Roman "colony"

(Ac 16:12),

made so by Augustus, to commemorate his famous victory over Brutus and

Cassius. A colony was in fact a portion of Rome itself

transplanted to the provinces, an offshoot from Rome, and as it were a

portrait of the mother city on a small scale [AULUS GELLIUS, Attic Nights,

16.13]. Its inhabitants were Roman citizens, having the right of voting

in the Roman tribes, governed by their own senate and magistrates, and

not by the governor of the province, with the Roman law and

Latin language.

Paul, with Silas and Timothy, planted the Gospel there

(Ac 16:12,

&c.), in his second missionary journey, A.D. 51.

Doubtless he visited it again on his journey from Ephesus into

Macedonia

(Ac 20:1);

and

Ac 20:3, 6,

expressly mentions his third visit on his return from Greece (Corinth)

to Syria by way of Macedonia. His sufferings at Philippi

(Ac 16:19,

&c.) strengthened the Christian bond of union between him and his

Philippian converts, who also, like him, were exposed to trials for the

Gospel's sake

(1Th 2:2).

They alone sent supplies for his temporal wants, twice shortly

after he had left them

(Php 4:15, 16),

and again a third time shortly before writing this Epistle

(Php 4:10, 18;

2Co 11:9).

This fervent attachment on their part was, perhaps, also in part due to

the fact that few Jews were in Philippi, as in other scenes of his

labors, to sow the seeds of distrust and suspicion. There was no

synagogue, but merely a Jewish Proseucha, or oratory, by the

riverside. So that there only do we read of his meeting no opposition

from Jews, but only from the masters of the divining damsel, whose

gains had been put an end to by her being dispossessed.

Though the Philippian Church was as yet free from Judaizing influence,

yet it needed to be forewarned of that danger which might at any time

assail it from without

(Php 3:2);

even as such evil influences had crept into the Galatian churches. In

Php 4:2, 3

we find a trace of the fact recorded in the history

(Ac 16:13, 14),

that female converts were among the first to receive the Gospel

at Philippi.

As to the state of the Church, we gather from

2Co 8:1, 2

that its members were poor, yet most liberal; and from

Php 1:28-30,

that they were undergoing persecution. The only blemish referred to in

their character was, on the part of some members, a tendency to

dissension. Hence arise his admonitions against disputings

(Php 1:27; 2:1-4, 12, 14; 4:2).

The OBJECT of the Epistle is general: not only to

thank the Philippians for their contribution sent by Epaphroditus, who

was now in returning to take back the apostle's letter, but to express

his Christian love and sympathy, and to exhort them to a life consonant

with that of Christ, and to warn them against existing dissensions and

future possible assaults of Judaizers from without. It is remarkable in

this Epistle alone, as compared with the others, that, amidst many

commendations, there are no express censures of those to whom it is

addressed. No doctrinal error, or schism, has as yet sprung up; the

only blemish hinted at is, that some of the Philippian Church were

somewhat wanting in lowliness of mind, the result of which want was

disputation. Two women, Euodias and Syntyche, are mentioned as having

erred in this respect

(Php 4:2, 3).

The Epistle may be divided into three parts: (1) Affectionate

address to the Philippians; reference to his own state as a prisoner at

Rome, and to theirs, and to his mission of Epaphroditus to them (the

first and second chapters). Epaphroditus probably held a leading

office in the Philippian Church, perhaps as a presbyter. After Tychicus

and Onesimus had departed (A.D. 62), carrying the

Epistles to the Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon, Paul was cheered

in his imprisonment by the arrival of Epaphroditus with the Philippian

contribution. That faithful "brother, companion in labor, and fellow

soldier"

(Php 2:25),

had brought on himself by the fatigues of the journey a dangerous

sickness

(Php 2:26, 30).

But now that he was recovered, he "longed"

(Php 2:26)

to return to his Philippian flock, and in person to relieve their

anxiety on his behalf, in respect to his sickness; and the apostle

gladly availed himself of the opportunity of writing to them a letter

of grateful acknowledgments and Christian exhortations. (2) Caution

against Judaizing teachers, supported by reference to his own former

and present feeling towards Jewish legalism

(Php 3:1-21).

(3) Admonitions to individuals, and to the Church in general, thanks

for their seasonable aid, and concluding benedictions and salutations

(Php 4:1-23).

This Epistle was written from Rome during the imprisonment, the

beginning of which is related in

Ac 28:16, 20, 30, 31.

The reference to "Cæsar's household"

(Php 4:22),

and to the "palace"

(Php 1:13,

Greek, "Prætorium," probably, the barrack of the

Prætorian bodyguard, attached to the palace of Nero) confirms

this. It must have been during his first imprisonment at Rome,

for the mention of the Prætorium agrees with the fact that it was

during his first imprisonment he was in the custody of the

Prætorian Prefect, and his situation, described in

Php 1:12-14,

agrees with his situation in the first two years of his imprisonment

(Ac 28:30, 31).

The following reasons show, moreover, that it was written towards

the close of that imprisonment: (1) He, in it, expresses his

expectation of the immediate decision of his cause

(Php 2:23).

(2) Enough time had elapsed for the Philippians to hear of his

imprisonment, to send Epaphroditus to him, to hear of Epaphroditus'

arrival and sickness, and send back word to Rome of their distress

(Php 2:26).

(3) It must have been written after the three other Epistles sent from

Rome, namely, Colossians, Ephesians, and Philemon; for Luke is no

longer with him

(Php 2:20);

otherwise he would have been specified as saluting them, having

formerly labored among them, whereas he is mentioned as with him,

Col 4:14;

Phm 24.

Again, in

Eph 6:19, 20,

his freedom to preach is implied: but in

Php 1:13-18,

his bondage is dwelt on, and it is implied that, not himself,

but others, preached, and made his imprisonment known. Again, in

Phm 22,

he confidently anticipates his release, which contrasts with the more

depressed anticipations of this Epistle. (4) A considerable time had

elapsed since the beginning of his imprisonment, for "his bonds" to

have become so widely known, and to have produced such good effects for

the Gospel

(Php 1:13).

(5) There is evidently an increase in the rigor of his imprisonment

implied now, as compared with the early stage of it, as described in

Ac 28:1-31;

compare

Php 1:29, 30; 2:27.

History furnishes a probable clue to account for this increase of

vigor. In the second year of Paul's imprisonment (A.D. 62), Burrus, the Prætorian Prefect, to whose

custody he had been committed

(Ac 28:16,

"the captain of the guard"), died; and Nero the emperor having divorced

Octavia, and married Poppoea, a Jewish proselytess (who then caused her

rival, Octavia, to be murdered, and gloated over the head of her

victim), exalted Tigellinus, the chief promoter of the marriage, a

monster of wickedness, to the Prætorian Prefecture. It was then

he seems to have been removed from his own house into the

Prætorium, or barrack of the Prætorian guards, attached to

the palace, for stricter custody; and hence he writes with less hopeful

anticipations as to the result of his trial

(Php 2:17; 3:11).

Some of the Prætorian guards who had the custody of him before,

would then naturally make known his "bonds," in accordance with

Php 1:13;

from the smaller Prætorian bodyguard at the palace the report

would spread to the general permanent Prætorian camp, which

Tiberius had established north of the city, outside of the walls. He

had arrived in Rome, February, 61; the "two whole years

(Ac 20:30)

in his own hired house" ended February, 63, so that the date of this

Epistle, written shortly after, evidently while the danger was

imminent, would be about spring or summer, 63. The providence of God

averted the danger. He probably was thought beneath the notice of

Tigellinus, who was more intent on court intrigues. The death of Nero's

favorite, Pallas, the brother of Felix, this same year, also took out

of the way another source of danger.

The STYLE is abrupt and discontinuous, his fervor of affection

leading him to pass rapidly from one theme to another

(Php 2:18, 19-24, 25-30;

3:1, 2, 3, 4-14, 15).

In no Epistle does he use so warm expressions of love. In

Php 4:1

he seems at a loss for words sufficient to express all the extent and

ardor of his affection for the Philippians: "My brethren dearly beloved

and longed for, my joy and crown, so stand fast in the Lord, my dearly

beloved." The mention of bishops and deacons in

Php 1:1

is due to the late date of the Epistle, at a time when the Church had

begun to assume that order which is laid down in the Pastoral Epistles,

and which continued the prevalent one in the first and purest age of

the Church.