Acts 28

Ac 28:1-31.

THE

WINTERING AT

MALTA, AND

NOTABLE

OCCURRENCES

THERE--PROSECUTION OF THE

VOYAGE TO

ITALY AS

FAR AS

PUTEOLI, AND

LAND

JOURNEY

THENCE TO

ROME--SUMMARY OF THE

APOSTLE'S

LABORS

THERE FOR THE

TWO

FOLLOWING

YEARS.

1. knew the island was called Melita--(See on

Ac 27:39).

The opinion that this island was not Malta to the south of Sicily, but

Meleda in the Gulf of Venice--which till lately had respectable support

among Competent judges--is now all but exploded; examination of all the

places on the spot, and of all writings and principles bearing on the

question, by gentlemen of the highest qualification, particularly

SMITH (see on

Ac 27:41),

having set the question, it may now be affirmed, at rest.

2. the barbarous people--so called merely as speaking neither the

Greek nor the Latin language. They were originally Phœnician

colonists.

showed us no little--"no ordinary"

kindness, for they kindled a fire, and received us every one, because

of the present rain--"the rain that was on us"--not now first falling,

but then falling heavily.

and because of the cold--welcomed us all, drenched and shivering, to

these most seasonable marks of friendship. In this these "barbarians"

contrast favorably with many since bearing the Christian name. The

lifelike style of the narrative here and in the following verses gives

it a great charm.

3. when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks--"a quantity of dry

sticks." The vigorous activity of Paul's character is observable in this

comparatively trifling action [WEBSTER and

WILKINSON].

and laid them on the fire, there came a viper out of the heat--Having

laid itself up among the sticks on the approach of the cold winter

season, it had suddenly recovered from its torpor by the heat.

and fastened--its fangs.

on his hand--Vipers dart at their enemies sometimes several feet at a

bound. They have now disappeared from Malta, owing to the change which

cultivation has produced.

4-6. No doubt this man is a murderer--His chains, which they would see,

might strengthen the impression.

whom . . . vengeance suffereth not to live--They believed in

a Supreme, Resistless, Avenging Eye and Hand, however vague their

notions of where it resided.

5. shook off the beast and felt no harm--See

Mr 16:18.

6. they looked--"continued looking."

when he should have swollen or fallen down dead--familiar with the

effects of such bites.

and saw no harm come to him, they changed their minds, and said

. . . he was a god--from "a murderer" to "a god," as the

Lycaonian greeting of Paul and Silas from "sacrificing to them" to

"stoning them"

(Ac 14:13, 19).

What has not the Gospel done for the uncultivated portion of the human

family, while its effects on the educated and refined, though very

different, are not less marvellous! Verily it is God's chosen

restorative for the human spirit, in all the multitudinous forms and

gradations of its lapsed state.

7, 8. possessions of the chief man--"the first man."

of the island--He would hardly be so styled in the lifetime of his

father, if his distinction was that of the family. But it is now

ascertained that this was the proper official title of the Maltese

representative of the Roman prætor to Sicily, to whose province Malta

belonged; two inscriptions having been discovered in the island, one in

Greek, the other in Latin, containing the same words which Luke

here employs.

who received us--of Paul's company, but doubtless including the

"courteous" Julius.

and lodged us three days courteously--till proper winter lodgings

could be obtained for them.

8. the father of Publius lay sick of a fever--"fevers." The word was

often thus used in the plural number, probably to express

recurring attacks.

and of a bloody flux--"of dysentery." (The medical accuracy of

our historian's style has been observed here.)

to whom Paul entered in, and prayed--thereby precluding the supposition

that any charm resided in himself.

and laid his hands on him, and healed him--Thus, as our Lord rewarded

Peter for the use of his boat

(Lu 5:3, 4,

&c.), so Paul richly repays Publius for his hospitality. Observe the

fulfilment here of two things predicted in

Mr 16:18

--the "taking up serpents," and "recovering of the sick by laying hands

on them."

9. this . . . done, others . . . came and were healed--"kept coming

to [us] and getting healed," that is, during our stay, not all at once

[WEBSTER and

WILKINSON].

10. who also honoured us . . . and when we departed they

laded us, &c.--This was not taking hire for the miracles wrought

among them

(Mt 10:8),

but such grateful expressions of feeling, particularly in providing

what would minister to their comfort during the voyage, as showed the

value they set upon the presence and labors of the apostle among them,

and such as it would have hurt their feelings to refuse. Whether any

permanent effects of this three months' stay of the greatest of the

apostles were left at Malta, we cannot certainly say. But though little

dependence is to be placed upon the tradition that Publius became

bishop of Malta and afterwards of Athens, we may well believe the

accredited tradition that the beginnings of the Christian Church at

Malta sprang out of this memorable visit.

11. we departed in a ship of Alexandria--(See on

Ac 27:6).

which had wintered in the isle--no doubt driven m by the same storm

which had wrecked on its shores the apostle's vessel--an incidental mark

of consistency in the narrative.

whose sign--or "figurehead"; the figure, carved or painted on the

bow, which gave name to the vessel. Such figureheads were anciently as

common as now.

was Castor and Pollux--the tutelar gods of mariners, to whom all

their good fortune was ascribed. St. Anthony is substituted for them in

the modern superstitions of Mediterranean (Romanist) sailors. They

carry his image in their boats and ships. It is highly improbable that

two ships of Alexandra should have been casually found, of which the

owners were able and willing to receive on board such a number of

passengers

(Ac 27:6).

We may then reasonably conceive that it was compulsory on the owners to

convey soldiers and state travellers [WEBSTER and

WILKINSON].

12, 13. landing at Syracuse--the ancient and celebrated capital of

Sicily, on its eastern coast, about eighty miles, or a day's sail, north

from Malta.

we tarried there three days--probably from the state of

the wind. Doubtless Paul would wish to go ashore, to find out and

break ground among the Jews and proselytes whom such a mercantile

center would attract to it; and if this was allowed at the outset of

the voyage

(Ac 27:3),

much more readily would it be now when he had gained the reverence and

confidence of all classes with whom he came in contact. At any rate we

cannot wonder that he should be regarded by the Sicilians as the

founder of the Church of that island.

13. from thence we fetched a compass--that is, proceeded circuitously,

or tacked, working to windward probably, and availing themselves of

the sinuosities of the coast, the wind not being favorable

[SMITH].

What follows confirms this.

and came to Rhegium--now Reggio, a seaport on the southwest point

of the Italian coast, opposite the northeast point of Sicily, and at the

entrance of the narrow straits of Messina.

after one day the south wind blew--a south wind having sprung up; being

now favored with a fair wind, for want of which they had been obliged

first to stay three days at Syracuse, and then to tack and put in for a

day at Rhegium.

the next day to Puteoli--now Pozzuoli, situated on the northern

part of the magnificent bay of Naples about one hundred eighty miles

north of Rhegium, a distance which they might make, running before their

"south wind," in about twenty-six hours. The Alexandrian corn ships

enjoyed a privilege peculiar to themselves, of not being obliged to

strike their topsail on landing. By this they were easily recognized as

they hove in sight by the crowds that we find gathered on the shore on

such occasions [HOWSON].

14, 15. Where we found brethren--not "the brethren"

(see on

Ac 21:4),

from which one would conclude they did not expect to find such

[WEBSTER

and

WILKINSON].

and were desired--"requested."

to tarry with them seven days--If this request came from Julius, it

may have proceeded partly from a wish to receive instructions from Rome

and make arrangements for his journey thither, partly from a wish to

gratify Paul, as he seems studiously and increasingly to have done to

the last. One can hardly doubt that he was influenced by both

considerations. However this may be, the apostle had thus an opportunity

of spending a Sabbath with the Christians of the place, all the more

refreshing from his long privation in this respect, and as a seasoning

for the unknown future that lay before him at the metropolis.

so we went toward Rome.

15. And from thence, when the brethren--of Rome

heard of us--by letter from Puteoli, and probably by the same

conveyance which took Julius' announcement of his arrival.

they came to meet us as far as Appii Forum--a town forty-one miles

from Rome.

and the Three Taverns--thirty miles from Rome. Thus they came to greet

the apostle in two parties, one stopping short at the nearer, the other

going on to the more distant place.

whom when Paul saw, he thanked God--for such a welcome. How sensitive

he was to such Christian affection all his Epistles show

(Ro 1:9,

&c.).

and took courage--his long-cherished purpose to "see Rome"

(Ac 19:21),

there to proclaim the unsearchable riches of Christ, and the divine

pledge that in this he should be gratified

(Ac 23:11),

being now about to be auspiciously realized.

16. when we came to Rome--the renowned capital of the ancient world,

situated on the Tiber.

the centurion delivered the prisoners to the captain of the

guard--the Prætorian Prefect, to whose custody, as

commander of the Prætorian guard, the highest military authority

in the city, were committed all who were to come before the emperor for

trial. Ordinarily there were two such prefects; but from A.D. 51 to 62, one distinguished general--Burrus

Aframus, who had been Nero's tutor--held that office; and as our

historian speaks of "the captain," as if there were but one, it

is thought that this fixes the apostle's arrival at Rome to be not

later than the year 62 [WIES]. But even though

there had been two when Paul arrived, he would be committed only to one

of them, who would be "the captain" who got charge of him. (At

most, therefore, this can furnish no more than confirmation to the

chronological evidence otherwise obtained).

but Paul was suffered to dwell by himself with a--"the"

soldier that kept him--"guarded" him. (See on

Ac 12:6).

This privilege was allowed in the case of the better class of

prisoners, not accused of any flagrant offense, on finding

security--which in Paul's case would not be difficult among the

Christians. The extension of this privilege to the apostle may have

been due to the terms in which Festus wrote about him; but far more

probably it was owing to the high terms in which Julius spoke of him,

and his express intercession in his behalf. It was overruled, however,

for giving the fullest scope to the labors of the apostle compatible

with confinement at all. As the soldiers who kept him were relieved

periodically, he would thus make the personal acquaintance of a great

number of the Prætorian guard; and if he had to appear before the

Prefect from time to time, the truth might thus penetrate to those who

surrounded the emperor, as we learn, from

Php 1:12, 13,

that it did.

17-20. Paul called the chief of the Jews together--Though

banished from the capital by Claudius, the Jews enjoyed the full

benefit of the toleration which distinguished the first period of

Nero's reign, and were at this time in considerable numbers, wealth,

and influence settled at Rome. We have seen that long before this a

flourishing Christian Church existed at Rome, to which Paul wrote his

Epistle (see on

Ac 20:3),

and the first members of which were probably Jewish converts and

proselytes. (See

Introduction

to Romans.)

yet was I delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into the hands of the

Romans--the Roman authorities, Felix and Festus.

19. I was constrained to appeal . . . not that I had aught to accuse

my nation of--"I am here not as their accuser, but as my own defender,

and this not of choice but necessity." His object in alluding thus

gently to the treatment he had received from the Jews was plainly to

avoid whatever might irritate his visitors at the first; especially as

he was not aware whether any or what information against him had reached

their community.

20. For this cause . . . have I called for you

. . . because . . . for the hope of

Israel--(See on

Ac 26:6, 7).

I am bound with this chain--"This cause is not so much mine as yours;

it is the nation's cause; all that is dear to the heart and hope of

Israel is bound up with this case of mine." From the touching allusions

which the apostle makes to his chains, before Agrippa first, and here

before the leading members of the Jewish community at Rome, at his first

interview with them, one would gather that his great soul felt keenly

his being in such a condition; and it is to this keenness of feeling,

under the control of Christian principle, that we owe the noble use

which he made of it in these two cases.

21, 22. We neither received letters out of Judea concerning thee,

&c.--We need not suppose (with THOLUCK and others) that there was any

dishonest concealment here. The distinction made between himself,

against whom they heard nothing, and his "sect," as "everywhere spoken

against," is a presumption in favor of their sincerity; and there is

ground to think that as the case took an unexpected turn by Paul's

appealing to Cæsar, so no information on the subject would travel from

Jerusalem to Rome in advance of the apostle himself.

22. we desire--"deem it proper"

to hear of thee what thou thinkest--what are thy sentiments,

views, &c. The apparent freedom from prejudice here expressed may have

arisen from a prudent desire to avoid endangering a repetition of those

dissensions about Christianity to which, probably,

SUETONIUS

alludes, and which had led to the expulsion of the Jews under Claudius

[HUMPHRY].

See on

Ac 18:2.

23, 24. there came many--"considerable numbers"

into his lodging--The word denotes one's place of stay as a

guest

(Phm 22),

not "his own hired house," mentioned in

Ac 28:30.

Some Christian friends--possibly Aquila and Priscilla, who had returned

to Rome

(Ro 16:3),

would be glad to receive him, though he would soon find himself more at

liberty in a house of his own.

to whom he expounded and testified the kingdom of God--opening up the

great spiritual principles of that kingdom in opposition to the

contracted and secular views of it entertained by the Jews.

persuading them concerning Jesus--as the ordained and predicted Head

of that kingdom.

out of the law . . . and the prophets--drawing his materials and

arguments from a source mutually acknowledged.

from morning till evening--"Who would not wish to have been present?"

exclaims BENGEL; but virtually we are present while listening to

those Epistles which he dictated from his prison at Rome, and to his

other epistolary expositions of Christian truth against the Jews.

24. and some believed . . . some not--What simplicity and candor are

in this record of a result repeated from age to age where the Gospel is

presented to a promiscuous assemblage of sincere and earnest inquirers

after truth, frivolous worldlings, and prejudiced bigots!

25-29. when they--the Jews.

agreed not among themselves--the discussion having passed into one

between the two parties into which the visitors were now divided,

respecting the arguments and conclusions of the apostle.

they departed--the material of discussion being felt by both parties

to be exhausted.

after Paul had spoken one word--one solemn parting testimony, from

those Scriptures regarded by both alike as "the Holy Ghost speaking" to

Israel.

26. Hearing, ye shall hear, &c.--(See on

Mt 13:13-15

and

Joh 12:38-40).

With what pain would this stern saying be wrung from him whose "heart's

desire and prayer to God for Israel was that they might be saved," and

who "had great heaviness and continual sorrow in his heart" on their

account

(Ro 10:1; 9:2)!

28. the salvation of God is sent to the Gentiles, and they will

hear--(See on

Ac 13:44-48).

"This departure to the Gentiles" he had intimated to the perverse Jews

at Antioch

(Ac 13:46),

and at Corinth

(Ac 18:6);

now at Rome: thus in Asia, Greece, and Italy"

[BENGEL].

29. the Jews departed, and had great--"much"

reasoning among themselves--"This verse is wanting in many manuscripts

[and omitted by several recent editors], but certainly without reason.

Probably the words were regarded as superfluous, as they seem to tell us

what we were told before, that Paul "departed" (see

Ac 28:25).

But in

Ac 28:25

it is the breaking off of the discourse that is meant, here the final

departure from the house"

[OLSHAUSEN].

30. in his own hired house--(See on

Ac 28:23),

yet still in custody, for he only "received all that came to

him"; and it is not said that he went to the synagogue or anywhere

else.

31. with all confidence, no man forbidding him--enjoying, in the

uninterrupted exercise of his ministry, all the liberty of a

guarded man. Thus closes this most precious monument of the

beginnings of the Christian Church in its march from east to west,

among the Jews first, whose center was Jerusalem; next among the

Gentiles, with Antioch for its headquarters; finally, its banner is

seen waving over imperial Rome, foretokening its universal triumphs.

That distinguished apostle whose conversion, labors, and sufferings for

"the faith which once he destroyed" occupy more than half of this

History, it leaves a prisoner, unheard, so far as appears, for two

years. His accusers, whose presence was indispensable, would have to

await the return of spring before starting for the capital, and might

not reach it for many months; nor, even when there, would they be so

sanguine of success--after Felix, Festus, and Agrippa had all

pronounced him innocent--as to be impatient of delay. And if witnesses

were required to prove the charge advanced by Tertullus, that he was "a

mover of sedition among all the Jews throughout the [Roman] world"

(Ac 24:5),

they must have seen that unless considerable time was allowed them the

case would certainly break down. If to this be added the capricious

delays which the emperor himself might interpose, and the practice of

Nero to hear but one charge at a time, it will not seem strange that

the historian should have no proceedings in the case to record for two

years. Begun, probably, before the apostle's arrival, its progress at

Rome under his own eye would furnish exalted employment, and beguile

many a tedious hour of his two years' imprisonment. Had the case come

on for hearing during this period, much more if it had been disposed

of, it is hardly conceivable that the History should have closed as it

does. But if, at the end of this period, the Narrative only wanted the

decision of the case, while hope deferred was making the heart sick

(Pr 13:12),

and if, under the guidance of that Spirit whose seal was on it all, it

seemed of more consequence to put the Church at once in possession of

this History than to keep it back indefinitely for the sake of what

might come to be otherwise known, we cannot wonder that it should be

wound up as it is in its two concluding verses. All that we know of the

apostle's proceedings and history beyond this must be gathered from the

Epistles of the Imprisonment--Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians,

and Philemon--written during this period, and the Pastoral Epistles--to

Timothy and Titus, which, in our judgment, are of subsequent date. From

the former class of Epistles we learn the following particulars: (1)

That the trying restraint laid upon the apostle's labors by his

imprisonment had only turned his influence into a new channel; the

Gospel having in consequence penetrated even into the palace, and

pervaded the city, while the preachers of Christ were emboldened; and

though the Judaizing portion of them, observing his success among the

Gentiles, had been led to inculcate with fresh zeal their own narrower

Gospel, even this had done much good by extending the truth common to

both (See on

Php 1:12-18;

Php 4:22);

(2) That as in addition to all his other labors, "the care of all the

churches pressed upon him from day to-day"

(2Co 11:28),

so with these churches he kept up an active correspondence by means of

letters and messages, and on such errands he lacked not faithful and

beloved brethren enough ready to be employed--Luke; Timotheus;

Tychicus; (John) Mark; Demas; Aristarchus; Epaphras; Onesimus;

Jesus, called Justus; and, for a short time, Epaphroditus

(See on

Col 4:7;

Col 4:9-12;

Col 4:14;

Phm 23, 24;

see

Introduction

to Ephesians,

Introduction

to Philippians, and

Introduction

to Philemon).

That the apostle suffered martyrdom under Nero at Rome has never been

doubted. But that the appeal which brought him to Rome issued in his

liberation, that he was at large for some years thereafter and took

some wide missionary circuits, and that he was again arrested, carried

to Rome, and then executed--was the undisputed belief of the early

Church, as expressed by

CHRYSOSTOM,

JEROME,

and

EUSEBIUS,

in the fourth century, up to

CLEMENT OF

ROME,

the "fellow laborer" of the apostle himself

(Php 4:3),

in the first century. The strongest possible confirmation of this is

found in the Pastoral Epistles, which bear marks throughout of a more

advanced state of the Church, and more matured forms of error, than can

well have existed at any period before the appeal which brought the

apostle to Rome; which refer to movements of himself and Timothy that

cannot without some straining (as we think) be made to fit into any

prior period; and which are couched in a manifestly riper style than

any of his other Epistles. (See

Introduction

to First Timothy,

Introduction

to Second Timothy

Introduction

to Titus and Notes). All this has been called in question by

modern critics of great research and acuteness

[PETAVIUS,

LARDNER,

DE

WETTE,

WIESELER,

DAVIDSON,

and others]. But those who maintain the ancient view are of equal

authority and more numerous, while the weight of argument appears to us

to be decidedly on their side.

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